New Balkan And Middle East Wars In Preparation ?

[Mic Chaer]

http://www.allbusiness.com/international-relations/weapons-arms-firearms/12697563-1.html


BALKANS: SERBIAN ARMS MANUFACTURERS SEE RECORD GROWTH.
By Vesna Peric Zimonjic

BELGRADE, Aug. 18, 2009 (IPS/GIN) - The arms industry in Serbia isseeing
record growth amidst the economic slum that has hit other industries.

Military exports were worth 520 million dollars last year, and will reach
650 million dollars this year, according to Serbia's Chamber of Commerce.
About 90 percent of military production in Serbia is exported.

"After quite a long while, Serbia's military production is back onits feet
again, with some 20 training aircraft Lasta (Sparrow) due to be supplied to
Iraq by mid 2010," defence minister Dragan Sutanovactold reporters after
return from Baghdad with a 305 million dollar contract.

"This is one of the biggest contracts our military industry has got, it will
create almost 20,000 new jobs, and see the return of our nation to the
international scene in this segment," Sutanovac added.

Iraq will get the first of these planes made at the Utva sports and training
plane factory in Pancevo, near Belgrade, by the end of this month.

"We have introduced a six-day working week, employed 100 new people, and
significantly raised salaries," says manager Tomislav Bjelogrlic. Salaries
in the military industry average 60,000 dinars (923 dollars). This is twice
the average of other industries.

"The revival of military industry, primarily deliveries to Iraq, could open
the doors for other industries' re-entry into that country," Sutanovac told
state- run Radio Television of Serbia Monday.

"Our construction industry built the bulk of infrastructure in Iraq in the
1970s and 1980s. They might re-enter that market in future, as Iraq plans to
invest some 70 billion dollars for general reconstruction."

Arms worth several billion dollars annually was one of the main exports
before the wars that tore former Yugoslavia apart in the 1990s.Production
takes place at six big factories, with the state the majority shareholder.

The biggest clients were nations from the non-aligned bloc such asIraq and
Libya. After the 1990s wars broke out, the region was placed under a strict
arms exports and imports embargo by the United Nations.

Military industry installations were regular targets in the North Atlantic
Treaty Organisation (NATO) bombing of Serbia in 1999, which came due to Serb
repression against ethnic Albanians in its southern province Kosovo. The 11
weeks of bombing hit production centres for rifles, small arms, missile and
anti-aircraft rocket factories and production of ammunition and rocket fuel.
The centres are all located incentral Serbia.

Veza Kissinger Associates-Eagleburger-lord Carrington-Miloševic! (okosnica
srpskog ZOG-a)

Zašto u SRJ, zemlju na koju niti jedan Hrvatski i muslimanski metak nije
ispaljen, idu milijarde a Hrvatskoj i Bosni, žrtve velikosrpske agresije i
genocida, idu vic-krediti, naravno samo za obnovu srpskih kuca i za
preuzimanje svih medija!?

Možda to netko opet treba biti jak na ovim prostorima?

Yugo-vojska je bila najjaca idustrija u bivšoj SFRJ. Sa izvozom preko 3
mlrd$, ta industrija je bilo duplo veca od turizma u SFRJ. Središte je
naravno bilo u Srbiji, a platni promet se odvijao preko Beobanke, po
velicini 359. najvecoj banci na svijetu!
Beobanka je 4 puta veca od najvece hrvatske banke, Privredne Banke Zagreb!

Miloševic je prvo bio direktor Beobanke u New Yorku, a kasnije glavni
direktor u Beogradu!
Dok je Miloševic bio direktor Beobanke, Cyrus Vance je bio ministar vanjskih
poslova US, a Lawrence Eagleburger je bio njegov zamjenik.

Obojica, Vance i Eagleburger imaju dobre kontakte sa vojnom industrijom.
Vance je bio prije pregovarac u Vietnamskoj krizi na konferenciji u Parizu,
a kasnije jedan od direktora u General Dynamics.
Eagleburger je bio zamjenik ministra obrane, US-ov covjek pri NATO-u, a
kasnije naravno i direktor u ITT, velikom proizvodjacu oružja.
Eagleburger je, uz lorda Carringtona, bio i direktor u Kissinger Associates.

SAD-srpsko zajednicka tvrtka, Energoprojekt, koja je jako aktivna bila u
Libiji i Iraku, je bila klijent u Kissinger Associates dok je Eagleburger
tamo bio predsjednik. Energoprojekt je dobila 550.000$ kao subvenciju od US
treasury departmenta u ožujku 1992. godine.
Istu sumu je dobila i Jugobanka!

Eagleburger je tada, uz svoj rad u Kissinger Associates, bio i CEO u jednoj
drugoj consulting tvrtci: Kent Associates, koja je imala skoro identicne
klijente kao i Kissinger Associates.
Klijent u Kent Associates je bio Brent Scowcroft. Scowcroft je u 60-im
godinama bio air attache u Beogradu, a sada je predsjednik u NSC (Natonal
Security Council).

Eagleburger je bio dosta vremena ambasador u Beogradu, a 1981. godine, kada
je americki kongres trebao potpisati prvu rezoluciju o Kosovu i srpskom
teroru, Eagleburger ide pod hitno u Wshington da upozori congressmene da ne
naprave "veliku grešku" što se tice resolucije!

Poslovni partner Eagleburgera je i Marc Rich, jedan od najbogatijih ljudi na
svijetu!
Marc Rich je nakon šok-terapije, koju su uspješno sproveli Soros i IMF u
Rusiji, kupio po banana-cijenama sve rezerve aluminija u Rusiji u 1992.
godine i tada ih masovno prodavao na svjetskom tržistu, što je prouzrokovalo
pad cijene aluminja za 30%!
Marc Rich je i veliki prijatelj Sorosa.

Marc Rich je trgovao sa Irakom i Iranom za vrijeme njihovog sukoba, kao i sa
Irakom za vrijeme pustinjske oluje!
Marc Rich je utajio najveci porez u povijesti US, a zadnji dan njegove
vladavine ga je pomilovao Bill Clinton, na pritsak židovsko-masonske loze
B`nai Birth!
Davor Stern, bivši direktor INA-e, je sada zaposlen kod Marca Richa!
BŽnai Birth, ciji je clan bio i Menahem Begin, je sa sadašnjim predsjednikom
RH, gospodinom Mesicem, dogovorio više predavanja o holocaustu u Hrvatskoj!

YUGO automobili su zajednicki projekt Miloševica-Kissingera-Eagleburgera.
YUGO se prodavao u USA za 3999$, a u SFRJ po duploj cijeni. Razliku u cijeni
su placali yu-radnici! Preko YUGO projekta su se preko Beobanke prale
ogromne sume $. Tim novcem je i Miloševic organizirao "mitinge istine" na
Kosovu i u Hrvatskoj.

Miloševic je i bio direktor u Tehnogasu, preko kojega su išli vojni izvozi u
Irak, Libiju, Sudan i ostale "demokratske" zemlje!
Stoga je i Ante Markovicu bilo nemoguce zaustaviti inflaciju, jer to vojnoj
industriji odgovara!

Prema US - Yugoslav Economic Council postoje preko 270 americkih tvtrki,
koji posluju sa Srbijom. Medju njima: Raytheon, Lockheed Corp., California
Helicopter International, Airco Precision Industries, Rockwell International
Corp., Textron Inc., and Radiation Systems !

Lawrence Eagleburger was on the Board of Directors of Yugo America Inc. Yugo
America Inc. was owned by Global Motors Inc., and Global Motors Inc. was
owned by Zavodi Crvena Zastava of Serbia. Global Motors was also a client of
Kissinger Associates.

Zavodi Crvena Zastava is an old Serbian weapons factory, and about 60% of
its production is defense products. Its main customers (70% of exports) are
Iraq and Libya. Zavodi Crvena Zastava supplied weapons to both Iraq and Iran
during the Iraq-Iran war, showing that Yugoslavia's non-alignment policy was
just doublespeak.

Eagleburger nije bio jedini na platnoj listi Beograda. John Scanlan,
ambasador u Beogradu od 1985-1989, je kasnije bio direktor u ICN Galenika,
koja je u 25% vlasništvu ICN Galenike Zemun, a u 75% vlasništvu ICN
Pharmaceuticals, dugogodišnjem partneru Srbije!

Osim Scanlana, u ICN Galenici, radi i Velimir Brankovic, vice-president
SDS-a za USA!

ICN Galenika je placala više kampanja za US-zastupnike, kao za John Brauxa,
Phila Sharpa, Jill Longa!

Srpsko kulturno društvo "J.Ducic" je registrirano u Indiani. Stevo
Dobrijevic, predsjednik tog društva, je u 1990. godini organizirao mitinge
za Jovana Raškovica!

Kandidat za predsjednika USA, Jerry Brown, je bio direktor u ICN
Biomedicals, koja je u vecinskom vlasništvu ICN Pharmaceuticalsa!
Obje firme su vlasništvo Milana Panica!
Kod Milana Panica, je bio zaposlen i Andrey Kozyrew, bivši ministar vanjskih
poslova Rusije!

Sve je to slucajno, zar ne?

Potpuno je jasno iz kojih je izvora Miloševic financirao svoj uspon. Isto je
tako jasno od kojih centara je imao politicku i materijalnu podršku.
I unatoc cinjenici da je izgubio sve bitke dobio je na dar pola Bosne i
Hercegovine (takozvana RS).

Novo zaposlenje Davora Sterna pokazuje za cije majke dušu je on kršio
embargo i prodavao naftu srbima.

Znaci isti je boss bio na djelu kao i u zaljevskom ratu i pustinjskoj oluji.
A njegov intimus Soros je preko svojih medija puštao pricu kako je to cinio
Tudman na temelju dogovora iz Karadordeva.

[gershwin]

Post by Mic Chaer
http://www.allbusiness.com/international-relations/weapons-arms-firearms/12697563-1.html
BALKANS: SERBIAN ARMS MANUFACTURERS SEE RECORD GROWTH.
By Vesna Peric Zimonjic
BELGRADE, Aug. 18, 2009 (IPS/GIN) - The arms industry in Serbia isseeing
record growth amidst the economic slum that has hit other industries.
Military exports were worth 520 million dollars last year, and will reach
650 million dollars this year, according to Serbia's Chamber of Commerce.
About 90 percent of military production in Serbia is exported.
"After quite a long while, Serbia's military production is back onits feet
again, with some 20 training aircraft Lasta (Sparrow) due to be supplied to
Iraq by mid 2010," defence minister Dragan Sutanovactold reporters after
return from Baghdad with a 305 million dollar contract.
"This is one of the biggest contracts our military industry has got, it will
create almost 20,000 new jobs, and see the return of our nation to the
international scene in this segment," Sutanovac added.
Iraq will get the first of these planes made at the Utva sports and training
plane factory in Pancevo, near Belgrade, by the end of this month.
"We have introduced a six-day working week, employed 100 new people, and
significantly raised salaries," says manager Tomislav Bjelogrlic. Salaries
in the military industry average 60,000 dinars (923 dollars). This is twice
the average of other industries.
"The revival of military industry, primarily deliveries to Iraq, could open
the doors for other industries' re-entry into that country," Sutanovac told
state- run Radio Television of Serbia Monday.
"Our construction industry built the bulk of infrastructure in Iraq in the
1970s and 1980s. They might re-enter that market in future, as Iraq plans to
invest some 70 billion dollars for general reconstruction."
Arms worth several billion dollars annually was one of the main exports
before the wars that tore former Yugoslavia apart in the 1990s.Production
takes place at six big factories, with the state the majority shareholder.
The biggest clients were nations from the non-aligned bloc such asIraq and
Libya. After the 1990s wars broke out, the region was placed under a strict
arms exports and imports embargo by the United Nations.
Military industry installations were regular targets in the North Atlantic
Treaty Organisation (NATO) bombing of Serbia in 1999, which came due to Serb
repression against ethnic Albanians in its southern province Kosovo. The 11
weeks of bombing hit production centres for rifles, small arms, missile and
anti-aircraft rocket factories and production of ammunition and rocket fuel.
The centres are all located incentral Serbia.
Veza Kissinger Associates-Eagleburger-lord Carrington-Miloševic! (okosnica srpskog ZOG-a)
Zašto u SRJ, zemlju na koju niti jedan Hrvatski i muslimanski metak nije ispaljen, idu
milijarde a Hrvatskoj i Bosni, žrtve velikosrpske agresije i genocida, idu vic-krediti,
naravno samo za obnovu srpskih kuca i za preuzimanje svih medija!?
Možda to netko opet treba biti jak na ovim prostorima?
Yugo-vojska je bila najjaca idustrija u bivšoj SFRJ. Sa izvozom preko 3 mlrd$, ta
industrija je bilo duplo veca od turizma u SFRJ. Središte je naravno bilo u Srbiji, a
platni promet se odvijao preko Beobanke, po velicini 359. najvecoj banci na svijetu!
Beobanka je 4 puta veca od najvece hrvatske banke, Privredne Banke Zagreb!
Miloševic je prvo bio direktor Beobanke u New Yorku, a kasnije glavni direktor u Beogradu!
Dok je Miloševic bio direktor Beobanke, Cyrus Vance je bio ministar vanjskih poslova US, a
Lawrence Eagleburger je bio njegov zamjenik.
Obojica, Vance i Eagleburger imaju dobre kontakte sa vojnom industrijom. Vance je bio prije
pregovarac u Vietnamskoj krizi na konferenciji u Parizu, a kasnije jedan od direktora u
General Dynamics.
Eagleburger je bio zamjenik ministra obrane, US-ov covjek pri NATO-u, a kasnije naravno i
direktor u ITT, velikom proizvodjacu oružja.
Eagleburger je, uz lorda Carringtona, bio i direktor u Kissinger Associates.
SAD-srpsko zajednicka tvrtka, Energoprojekt, koja je jako aktivna bila u Libiji i Iraku, je
bila klijent u Kissinger Associates dok je Eagleburger tamo bio predsjednik. Energoprojekt
je dobila 550.000$ kao subvenciju od US treasury departmenta u ožujku 1992. godine.
Istu sumu je dobila i Jugobanka!
Eagleburger je tada, uz svoj rad u Kissinger Associates, bio i CEO u jednoj drugoj
consulting tvrtci: Kent Associates, koja je imala skoro identicne klijente kao i Kissinger
Associates.
Klijent u Kent Associates je bio Brent Scowcroft. Scowcroft je u 60-im godinama bio air
attache u Beogradu, a sada je predsjednik u NSC (Natonal Security Council).
Eagleburger je bio dosta vremena ambasador u Beogradu, a 1981. godine, kada je americki
kongres trebao potpisati prvu rezoluciju o Kosovu i srpskom teroru, Eagleburger ide pod
hitno u Wshington da upozori congressmene da ne naprave "veliku grešku" što se tice
resolucije!
Poslovni partner Eagleburgera je i Marc Rich, jedan od najbogatijih ljudi na svijetu!
Marc Rich je nakon šok-terapije, koju su uspješno sproveli Soros i IMF u Rusiji, kupio po
banana-cijenama sve rezerve aluminija u Rusiji u 1992. godine i tada ih masovno prodavao na
svjetskom tržistu, što je prouzrokovalo pad cijene aluminja za 30%!
Marc Rich je i veliki prijatelj Sorosa.
Marc Rich je trgovao sa Irakom i Iranom za vrijeme njihovog sukoba, kao i sa Irakom za
vrijeme pustinjske oluje!
Marc Rich je utajio najveci porez u povijesti US, a zadnji dan njegove vladavine ga je
pomilovao Bill Clinton, na pritsak židovsko-masonske loze B`nai Birth!
Davor Stern, bivši direktor INA-e, je sada zaposlen kod Marca Richa!
BŽnai Birth, ciji je clan bio i Menahem Begin, je sa sadašnjim predsjednikom RH, gospodinom
Mesicem, dogovorio više predavanja o holocaustu u Hrvatskoj!
YUGO automobili su zajednicki projekt Miloševica-Kissingera-Eagleburgera. YUGO se prodavao
u USA za 3999$, a u SFRJ po duploj cijeni. Razliku u cijeni su placali yu-radnici! Preko
YUGO projekta su se preko Beobanke prale ogromne sume $. Tim novcem je i Miloševic
organizirao "mitinge istine" na Kosovu i u Hrvatskoj.
Miloševic je i bio direktor u Tehnogasu, preko kojega su išli vojni izvozi u Irak, Libiju,
Sudan i ostale "demokratske" zemlje!
Stoga je i Ante Markovicu bilo nemoguce zaustaviti inflaciju, jer to vojnoj industriji
odgovara!
Prema US - Yugoslav Economic Council postoje preko 270 americkih tvtrki, koji posluju sa
Srbijom. Medju njima: Raytheon, Lockheed Corp., California Helicopter International, Airco
Precision Industries, Rockwell International Corp., Textron Inc., and Radiation Systems !
Lawrence Eagleburger was on the Board of Directors of Yugo America Inc. Yugo America Inc.
was owned by Global Motors Inc., and Global Motors Inc. was owned by Zavodi Crvena Zastava
of Serbia. Global Motors was also a client of Kissinger Associates.
Zavodi Crvena Zastava is an old Serbian weapons factory, and about 60% of its production is
defense products. Its main customers (70% of exports) are Iraq and Libya. Zavodi Crvena
Zastava supplied weapons to both Iraq and Iran during the Iraq-Iran war, showing that
Yugoslavia's non-alignment policy was just doublespeak.
Eagleburger nije bio jedini na platnoj listi Beograda. John Scanlan, ambasador u Beogradu
od 1985-1989, je kasnije bio direktor u ICN Galenika, koja je u 25% vlasništvu ICN Galenike
Zemun, a u 75% vlasništvu ICN Pharmaceuticals, dugogodišnjem partneru Srbije!
Osim Scanlana, u ICN Galenici, radi i Velimir Brankovic, vice-president SDS-a za USA!
ICN Galenika je placala više kampanja za US-zastupnike, kao za John Brauxa, Phila Sharpa,
Jill Longa!
Srpsko kulturno društvo "J.Ducic" je registrirano u Indiani. Stevo Dobrijevic, predsjednik
tog društva, je u 1990. godini organizirao mitinge za Jovana Raškovica!
Kandidat za predsjednika USA, Jerry Brown, je bio direktor u ICN Biomedicals, koja je u
vecinskom vlasništvu ICN Pharmaceuticalsa!
Obje firme su vlasništvo Milana Panica!
Kod Milana Panica, je bio zaposlen i Andrey Kozyrew, bivši ministar vanjskih poslova
Rusije!
Sve je to slucajno, zar ne?
Potpuno je jasno iz kojih je izvora Miloševic financirao svoj uspon. Isto je tako jasno od
kojih centara je imao politicku i materijalnu podršku.
I unatoc cinjenici da je izgubio sve bitke dobio je na dar pola Bosne i Hercegovine
(takozvana RS).
Novo zaposlenje Davora Sterna pokazuje za cije majke dušu je on kršio embargo i prodavao
naftu srbima.
Znaci isti je boss bio na djelu kao i u zaljevskom ratu i pustinjskoj oluji.
A njegov intimus Soros je preko svojih medija puštao pricu kako je to cinio Tudman na
temelju dogovora iz Karadordeva.

[Mic Chaer]

Post by Mic Chaer
http://www.allbusiness.com/international-relations/weapons-arms-firearms/12697563-1.html

I hate top-posting, but less than long scrolling:

LET THE FUN BEGIN: CIA SCANDAL UNFOLDS IN BELGRADE

Part of the fun of March 2002 has been in watching the train wreck of so
many interconnected events, all coming to a head at exactly the same time.
The apologia for the Hague cited above all came out between 20-22 March –
just days after the breaking of the biggest American scandal to hit Belgrade
since the bombing of the Chinese Embassy in 1999. The strong PR attack (from
del Ponte, Powell, Leahy and Co.) has come in direct proportion to the
Hague's supremely embarrassing role in the scandal: as recipients of secret
documents destined for use against Milosevic, obtained by the American chief
of the CIA in the Balkans, paid for by American dollars, given to a corrupt
Serbian politician. The worst thing about all this, however, is that the
parties involved freely admitted as much.

The blunt admission of this botched covert operation is remarkable in two
ways. First, for the incredible arrogance of the blasé Americans, who
consider secret operations in a foreign country as just part of a day's
work – even after being caught red-handed. The second and more serious
aspect of the scandal is that the Hague, ostensibly fighting corruption and
gangsterism, resorted to the same tactics to get its way. This sickening
hypocrisy just goes to confirm what is already so obvious – that the Hague
is no court of law, but merely a playground for extortionists and spies,
bounty hunters and dilettante barristers

EFFORTS IN DAYTON TO CONFIRM US & NATO COMMITMENT TO ARREST


Karadzic’s public and political engagement in 1996, again well after the
indictments and signing of the Dayton Accords, is only further indication
that the so termed Karadzic/Holbrooke “deal” was not perceived as
particularly altering. Karadzic and Mladic were already enjoying
unobstructed movement through US and NATO troop positions without apparent
concern of arrest, whether a formal deal existed or not.

Some current media reports err by referring to Karadzic and Mladic as
“fugitives” in hiding since 1995, the year of the ICTY indictments and
Dayton Accords. To the contrary, they were not in hiding at all for at least
the first couple of years after the Accords were signed and were assertive
in their respective roles as political and military chiefs.

http://europeancourier.org/115.htm

THE "RULES OF THE ROAD" ORCHESTRATED BY HOLBROOKE, BOSNIA & HERZEGOVINA
COULD NOT ARREST ON ITS OWN INITIATIVE


In the spring of 1996, the Government of BiH undertook arrests of relatively
mid to high level Serbian commanders responsible for grave violations of
international humanitarian law in attacks upon civilian populations. Only a
couple of “small fish” were being arrested then by the international forces
taking charge throughout BiH. The Government of BiH, was discouraged that
the “worst” of the war criminals appeared to enjoy impunity, even
cooperation from “IFOR.”



The international functionaries and military did not look favorably upon
these arrests, (even after The Hague Tribunal Prosecutor’s office confirmed
that those detained in fact were potentially criminally culpable and subject
to indictment by the ICTY). These arrests were deemed to be potentially
provocative and the BiH Government was told to cease. Holbrooke, US and
European representatives responsible for Dayton Accord implementation
convened a meeting in Rome, and the dictate became known as the “Rome Rules
of the Road:” The BiH Government would not apprehend suspected war
criminals, without effective prior permission of the internationals. The
safeguarding of the Dayton Accords and the will of its implementers had
precedence over the BiH Governments prerogative and responsibility of
arresting suspected war criminals. Ambassador Holbrooke was decisive in the
bargain, whether the initiative had come from military or political
authorities in Washington and/or Brussels. (Holbrooke has recently come to
blame NATO and even the Pentagon for the lack of will to arrest war
criminals, with possibly some justification.) In this light it also may be
easier to comprehend how Holbrooke had come to assume the prerogative of
committing to decisions that would subjugate justice to political and
military authority and effectively immunize the highest ranking indicted
persons.



There is both circumstantial and direct evidence of the “deal,” at least
with respect to Karadzic and Holbrooke. My evidence is mostly second hand
from those directly present and or familiar as well as from Ambassador
Holbrooke’s own vague descriptions of what he had also then termed as a
“deal” with Karadzic.

DEAL WAS MADE


Well before Karadzic’s arrest and recent statements to the Court, (ICTY),
that he and Holbrooke had consummated a “deal,” for more than the last ten
years I had presented second-hand evidence of such an arrangement. My
statements are documented, and Ambassador Holbrooke has been aware of my
rather precise charge.

Holbrooke has chosen to respond to my charge by projecting surprise. In the
most recent interviews on CNN and NOVA, (Dutch television), he has referred
to me as an “old friend,” and tried to suggest that I was “believing,”
relying upon Karadzic’s claims rather than Holbrooke’s denials. On one
occasion he has linked my allegations to my dissatisfaction with how the
Dayton Accords were delivered. (“Mo has never been happy with the Dayton
Accords.”). On another occasion, he has attempted to explain my charge to
allegations launched against me personally.



Ambassador Holbrooke indeed has been a friend, and I wish him no personal
injustice or animosity. As I have already indicated, I have spoken out for
some time, and before allegations were launched against me personally.
Perhaps the cause and effect is the opposite of what Ambassador Holbrooke
implies.



It is true that I have not been satisfied with the Dayton Accords, having
seen the process go wrong even before the implementation, as Milosevic was
allowed to dictate negotiations and terms inconsistent with a democratic,
open and functional BiH state. During Dayton, I resigned my post as Foreign
Minister of BiH, in part to express my protest and alleviate any potential
coercion. Regardless, and perhaps paradoxically in the view of some, I
supported the peace process, simply because even if fatally flawed, for then
it was an end to war and killing and at least some relief to the suffering.
Nonetheless, even in the spring of 1996 I publicly spoke out of my
reservations and suspicions, (including an interview on the US PBS program
Charlie Rose which still can be found here) I also placed much of my faith
in the case for genocide brought by Bosnia & Herzegovina before the
International Court of Justice, (I was BiH’s Agent before the ICJ), as well
as the future work of ICTY.



MOTIVES BEHIND THE "DEAL"


I cannot confirm whether the “deal” was in writing or merely an oral
understanding validated by mutual interests in not having Karadzic testify
before the Tribunal. Signatures on a paper would be a bit of surprise, but
it is more likely that a “talking points” paper was prepared. It is unlikely
that the motives for such a deal would have been outlined in any paper. For
Karadzic, the motive was simple: stay out of the Tribunal’s custody. For
Holbrooke, and perhaps others, the motives are hazier due to passage of
time, but they were perceived as tangible nonetheless:

Karadzic’s candidacy for the Presidency of BiH as well as his continued
public political engagement was a violation of the Dayton Accords. Under
terms of the Dayton Accords persons indicted by the Tribunal, such as
Karadzic, were not permitted to seek or hold political office. Karadzic had
directly challenged the Dayton Accords by announcing his candidacy for the
new collective Presidency of BiH from the newly recognized “entity” of BiH,
Republika Srpska. Of course, IFOR, NATO and the US could have easily solved
this problem by simply arresting him, if they wanted to since there were
numerous such opportunities.

Karadzic’s candidacy and continued political engagement as head of the “Serb
Democratic Party,” responsible for adopting and executing ethnic cleansing,
was an embarrassment to the promoters of the Dayton Accords. As Karadzic had
already been cited as the political architect of genocide, his candidacy and
political leadership manifestly evidenced the principled and legal flaws of
the Dayton Accords and how such acceded to the consequences of genocide.
Potentially more embarrassing, Karadzic might have possibly gained the
“Chair” of the collective Presidency of BiH on the basis of a rather
homogeneous vote from an ethnically cleansed and pure Republika Srpska while
Alija Izetbegovic faced a formidable electoral challenge as the candidate of
the Bosniak (Bosnian Muslim) ethnic group and a population reduced and
displaced.

Holbrooke had aspired that the Dayton Accords would deliver to him a Nobel
Peace Prize, book deals and the office of Secretary of State. The
embarrassment of Karadzic’s candidacy and visible political lifestyle
discernibly undermined the ethical credibility of the Dayton Accords, and by
extension, the ambitions of Ambassador Richard Holbrooke.

The elections for BiH were set for September 1996, not so coincidentally to
precede US November elections for President and anticipated nomination of
new Secretary of State for President Clinton’s second term. Republican
Presidential candidate Bob Dole had led the call for a more assertive US
response to Karadzic, Mladic and Milosevic as compared to the accommodations
finally made in Dayton. The success of elections in BiH in September of 1996
would be decisive evidence of which strategic approach was better, in terms
of risk to US personnel as well as justice and legality. Perhaps President
Clinton would not need such assistance to win the November 1996 election,
but Holbrooke wanted to deliver his part, if for no other reason than to
display why he deserved to be named Secretary of State, (including over a
more principle aligned Madeline Albright).

Post by Mic Chaer
BALKANS: SERBIAN ARMS MANUFACTURERS SEE RECORD GROWTH.
By Vesna Peric Zimonjic
BELGRADE, Aug. 18, 2009 (IPS/GIN) - The arms industry in Serbia isseeing
record growth amidst the economic slum that has hit other industries.
Military exports were worth 520 million dollars last year, and will reach
650 million dollars this year, according to Serbia's Chamber of Commerce.
About 90 percent of military production in Serbia is exported.
"After quite a long while, Serbia's military production is back onits feet
again, with some 20 training aircraft Lasta (Sparrow) due to be supplied to
Iraq by mid 2010," defence minister Dragan Sutanovactold reporters after
return from Baghdad with a 305 million dollar contract.
"This is one of the biggest contracts our military industry has got, it will
create almost 20,000 new jobs, and see the return of our nation to the
international scene in this segment," Sutanovac added.
Iraq will get the first of these planes made at the Utva sports and training
plane factory in Pancevo, near Belgrade, by the end of this month.
"We have introduced a six-day working week, employed 100 new people, and
significantly raised salaries," says manager Tomislav Bjelogrlic. Salaries
in the military industry average 60,000 dinars (923 dollars). This is twice
the average of other industries.
"The revival of military industry, primarily deliveries to Iraq, could open
the doors for other industries' re-entry into that country," Sutanovac told
state- run Radio Television of Serbia Monday.
"Our construction industry built the bulk of infrastructure in Iraq in the
1970s and 1980s. They might re-enter that market in future, as Iraq plans to
invest some 70 billion dollars for general reconstruction."
Arms worth several billion dollars annually was one of the main exports
before the wars that tore former Yugoslavia apart in the 1990s.Production
takes place at six big factories, with the state the majority
shareholder.
The biggest clients were nations from the non-aligned bloc such asIraq and
Libya. After the 1990s wars broke out, the region was placed under a strict
arms exports and imports embargo by the United Nations.
Military industry installations were regular targets in the North Atlantic
Treaty Organisation (NATO) bombing of Serbia in 1999, which came due to Serb
repression against ethnic Albanians in its southern province Kosovo. The 11
weeks of bombing hit production centres for rifles, small arms, missile and
anti-aircraft rocket factories and production of ammunition and rocket fuel.
The centres are all located incentral Serbia.
Veza Kissinger Associates-Eagleburger-lord Carrington-Miloševic!
(okosnica srpskog ZOG-a)
Zašto u SRJ, zemlju na koju niti jedan Hrvatski i muslimanski metak nije
ispaljen, idu milijarde a Hrvatskoj i Bosni, žrtve velikosrpske agresije
i genocida, idu vic-krediti, naravno samo za obnovu srpskih kuca i za
preuzimanje svih medija!?
Možda to netko opet treba biti jak na ovim prostorima?
Yugo-vojska je bila najjaca idustrija u bivšoj SFRJ. Sa izvozom preko 3
mlrd$, ta industrija je bilo duplo veca od turizma u SFRJ. Središte je
naravno bilo u Srbiji, a platni promet se odvijao preko Beobanke, po
velicini 359. najvecoj banci na svijetu!
Beobanka je 4 puta veca od najvece hrvatske banke, Privredne Banke Zagreb!
Miloševic je prvo bio direktor Beobanke u New Yorku, a kasnije glavni
direktor u Beogradu!
Dok je Miloševic bio direktor Beobanke, Cyrus Vance je bio ministar
vanjskih poslova US, a Lawrence Eagleburger je bio njegov zamjenik.
Obojica, Vance i Eagleburger imaju dobre kontakte sa vojnom industrijom.
Vance je bio prije pregovarac u Vietnamskoj krizi na konferenciji u
Parizu, a kasnije jedan od direktora u General Dynamics.
Eagleburger je bio zamjenik ministra obrane, US-ov covjek pri NATO-u, a
kasnije naravno i direktor u ITT, velikom proizvodjacu oružja.
Eagleburger je, uz lorda Carringtona, bio i direktor u Kissinger Associates.
SAD-srpsko zajednicka tvrtka, Energoprojekt, koja je jako aktivna bila u
Libiji i Iraku, je bila klijent u Kissinger Associates dok je Eagleburger
tamo bio predsjednik. Energoprojekt je dobila 550.000$ kao subvenciju od
US treasury departmenta u ožujku 1992. godine.
Istu sumu je dobila i Jugobanka!
Eagleburger je tada, uz svoj rad u Kissinger Associates, bio i CEO u
jednoj drugoj consulting tvrtci: Kent Associates, koja je imala skoro
identicne klijente kao i Kissinger Associates.
Klijent u Kent Associates je bio Brent Scowcroft. Scowcroft je u 60-im
godinama bio air attache u Beogradu, a sada je predsjednik u NSC (Natonal
Security Council).
Eagleburger je bio dosta vremena ambasador u Beogradu, a 1981. godine,
kada je americki kongres trebao potpisati prvu rezoluciju o Kosovu i
srpskom teroru, Eagleburger ide pod hitno u Wshington da upozori
congressmene da ne naprave "veliku grešku" što se tice resolucije!
Poslovni partner Eagleburgera je i Marc Rich, jedan od najbogatijih ljudi na svijetu!
Marc Rich je nakon šok-terapije, koju su uspješno sproveli Soros i IMF u
Rusiji, kupio po banana-cijenama sve rezerve aluminija u Rusiji u 1992.
godine i tada ih masovno prodavao na svjetskom tržistu, što je
prouzrokovalo pad cijene aluminja za 30%!
Marc Rich je i veliki prijatelj Sorosa.
Marc Rich je trgovao sa Irakom i Iranom za vrijeme njihovog sukoba, kao i
sa Irakom za vrijeme pustinjske oluje!
Marc Rich je utajio najveci porez u povijesti US, a zadnji dan njegove
vladavine ga je pomilovao Bill Clinton, na pritsak židovsko-masonske loze
B`nai Birth!
Davor Stern, bivši direktor INA-e, je sada zaposlen kod Marca Richa!
BŽnai Birth, ciji je clan bio i Menahem Begin, je sa sadašnjim
predsjednikom RH, gospodinom Mesicem, dogovorio više predavanja o
holocaustu u Hrvatskoj!
YUGO automobili su zajednicki projekt Miloševica-Kissingera-Eagleburgera.
YUGO se prodavao u USA za 3999$, a u SFRJ po duploj cijeni. Razliku u
cijeni su placali yu-radnici! Preko YUGO projekta su se preko Beobanke
prale ogromne sume $. Tim novcem je i Miloševic organizirao "mitinge
istine" na Kosovu i u Hrvatskoj.
Miloševic je i bio direktor u Tehnogasu, preko kojega su išli vojni
izvozi u Irak, Libiju, Sudan i ostale "demokratske" zemlje!
Stoga je i Ante Markovicu bilo nemoguce zaustaviti inflaciju, jer to
vojnoj industriji odgovara!
Prema US - Yugoslav Economic Council postoje preko 270 americkih tvtrki,
koji posluju sa Srbijom. Medju njima: Raytheon, Lockheed Corp.,
California Helicopter International, Airco Precision Industries, Rockwell
International Corp., Textron Inc., and Radiation Systems !
Lawrence Eagleburger was on the Board of Directors of Yugo America Inc.
Yugo America Inc. was owned by Global Motors Inc., and Global Motors Inc.
was owned by Zavodi Crvena Zastava of Serbia. Global Motors was also a
client of Kissinger Associates.
Zavodi Crvena Zastava is an old Serbian weapons factory, and about 60% of
its production is defense products. Its main customers (70% of exports)
are Iraq and Libya. Zavodi Crvena Zastava supplied weapons to both Iraq
and Iran during the Iraq-Iran war, showing that Yugoslavia's
non-alignment policy was just doublespeak.
Eagleburger nije bio jedini na platnoj listi Beograda. John Scanlan,
ambasador u Beogradu od 1985-1989, je kasnije bio direktor u ICN
Galenika, koja je u 25% vlasništvu ICN Galenike Zemun, a u 75% vlasništvu
ICN Pharmaceuticals, dugogodišnjem partneru Srbije!
Osim Scanlana, u ICN Galenici, radi i Velimir Brankovic, vice-president SDS-a za USA!
ICN Galenika je placala više kampanja za US-zastupnike, kao za John
Brauxa, Phila Sharpa, Jill Longa!
Srpsko kulturno društvo "J.Ducic" je registrirano u Indiani. Stevo
Dobrijevic, predsjednik tog društva, je u 1990. godini organizirao
mitinge za Jovana Raškovica!
Kandidat za predsjednika USA, Jerry Brown, je bio direktor u ICN
Biomedicals, koja je u vecinskom vlasništvu ICN Pharmaceuticalsa!
Obje firme su vlasništvo Milana Panica!
Kod Milana Panica, je bio zaposlen i Andrey Kozyrew, bivši ministar
vanjskih poslova Rusije!
Sve je to slucajno, zar ne?
Potpuno je jasno iz kojih je izvora Miloševic financirao svoj uspon. Isto
je tako jasno od kojih centara je imao politicku i materijalnu podršku.
I unatoc cinjenici da je izgubio sve bitke dobio je na dar pola Bosne i
Hercegovine (takozvana RS).
Novo zaposlenje Davora Sterna pokazuje za cije majke dušu je on kršio
embargo i prodavao naftu srbima.
Znaci isti je boss bio na djelu kao i u zaljevskom ratu i pustinjskoj oluji.
A njegov intimus Soros je preko svojih medija puštao pricu kako je to
cinio Tudman na temelju dogovora iz Karadordeva.